Author: Eric Mawuli DJIRACKOR

‘Laid’ Cast and Character Guide: Who’s Who in the Peacock Comedy?  imdb
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A Minnesota man will serve time in prison for his role in an international drug trafficking ring that prosecutors say led to the 2022 death of a University of Alabama professor. 
U.S. District Judge L. Scott Coogler of Tuscaloosa on Dec. 18 sentenced 46-year-old Christopher Louis Bass of St. Francis, Minnesota, to a 20-year prison term, according to a news release from the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Alabama. 
Prosecutors say Bass pleaded guilty to mailing fentanyl pills that killed 68-year-old Louis Burgio, a highly honored psychology professor at UA, on Aug. 20, 2022. 
“The overdose death in this case is a stark reminder of the dangers of fentanyl and why the Postal Inspection Service remains committed to eradicating these illicit substances from the U.S. Mail and consequently safeguarding our community,” said Mona Hernandez, acting inspector-in-charge of the Houston Division of the Postal Inspection Service.  
Burgio in 2004 was honored by the UA board of trustees as a distinguished research professor, the highest honor bestowed upon a faculty member at the UA. The board recognized Burgio’s work in the applied gerontology program. 
At the time, UA said Burgio was “considered a research pioneer in the care of Alzheimer’s patients, their families and professional caregivers, having developed effective protocols for the treatment of caregiver stress and the improvement of nursing home resident quality of life, tangibly bettering the lives of countless individuals in Alabama and throughout the nation.”  
Burgio earned a bachelor’s degree in psychology from Canisius College in Buffalo, New York, and received his master’s and doctoral degrees from the University of Notre Dame in the areas of developmental psychology and applied behavior analysis. 
The case was investigated by the Tuscaloosa Police Department, the Tuscaloosa County Violent Crimes Unit, the United States Postal Inspection Service–Birmingham, United States Postal Inspection Service–Twin Cities, the East Central Drug Task Force and the Anoka-Hennepin Narcotics and Violent Crimes Task Force. 
Assistant United States Attorney Alan S. Kirk served as prosecutor. 
“This case reminds us all too clearly that drug distribution is not a victimless crime,” said U.S. Attorney Prim F.  Escalona. “My office will continue to prosecute those who place these poisons into families and communities throughout north Alabama.” 
Reach Ken Roberts atken.roberts@tuscaloosanews.com.   

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Tennessee education department unveils 2023-24 state report card  WTVC
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FDA, FTC target diabetes supplement claims  Natural Products Insider
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Over the past seven years, the relationship between US President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has been notably strained, primarily due to trade disputes and their starkly contrasting political styles.

Their first face-to-face meeting happened in February 2017, just after Trump took office in his first term. From the beginning, the relationship was off track. The handshake was awkward, and the vibe tense. They had a decent chat and didn’t dive into their differences.

Fast forward a few months, and the cracks started to show at the G7 summit in May 2017. Trump was already isolating himself on the global stage, especially when it came to issues like climate change.
While Trudeau was pushing for stronger action on climate change and international cooperation, Trump refused to back the Paris Agreement, and things started cracking up between the two leaders.
But things went really south in June 2018. Trump imposed hefty tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminium, claiming it was all for national security. Trudeau called the tariffs "insulting" and said that Canada would retaliate.
And sure enough, a full-on tariff war kicked off, with both sides slapping taxes on each other’s goods. That didn’t help the mood between the two leaders, and things got even worse when, at the same time, Trump stormed out of the G7 summit in Charlevoix, Quebec.
After a press conference where Trudeau stood firm on opposing the tariffs, Trump called him "dishonest" and "weak" on Twitter, which added fuel to the fire.

Another flashpoint between the two leaders came in early 2017 when Trump introduced his travel ban targeting several Muslim-majority countries. Trudeau quickly condemned it, tweeting his support for refugees and sending a strong message about Canada's values.
This was another example of how their political priorities were on opposite ends of the spectrum, especially regarding immigration and inclusivity.
Things didn’t get any easier during the Covid-19 pandemic. Although Trudeau wasn’t directly critical of Trump’s handling of the pandemic, he emphasized Canada’s reliance on science and public health, which was in stark contrast to Trump’s more controversial approach and statements.

Now, in 2024, tensions are back in the spotlight. Trump has been threatening a 25 per cent tariff on all Canadian imports. To try and ease the pressure, Trudeau took the rare step of flying down to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort for a meeting.
Despite both leaders calling the meeting "productive," there was no real progress on the tariff threat. The meeting touched on border security and drug trafficking, but critics, including Canada’s Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre, said Trudeau looked weak in his negotiations, with no big wins to show for the trip.

There’s also the personal dynamics to consider. Trump often refers to Trudeau simply as "Justin," which some people see as disrespectful. The two have had moments of light-hearted exchanges, but they’re clearly divided on key issues.
At one point, Trump even joked that Canada should consider becoming the 51st State if the tariff situation worsened, which led to some uncomfortable laughs from the Canadian delegation.

The relationship is still tense, and the trade and tariff battles far from over. Trudeau has been under scrutiny back home for handling the situation, especially as Trump’s unpredictability makes international relations tricky.
If these tensions keep escalating, there could be serious consequences for Canada’s economy and its standing on the world stage. But for now, both leaders are trying to navigate this tricky relationship.

Over the past seven years, the relationship between US President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has been notably strained, primarily due to trade disputes and their starkly contrasting political styles.

Their first face-to-face meeting happened in February 2017, just after Trump took office in his first term. From the beginning, the relationship was off track. The handshake was awkward, and the vibe tense. They had a decent chat and didn’t dive into their differences.

Fast forward a few months, and the cracks started to show at the G7 summit in May 2017. Trump was already isolating himself on the global stage, especially when it came to issues like climate change.
While Trudeau was pushing for stronger action on climate change and international cooperation, Trump refused to back the Paris Agreement, and things started cracking up between the two leaders.
But things went really south in June 2018. Trump imposed hefty tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminium, claiming it was all for national security. Trudeau called the tariffs "insulting" and said that Canada would retaliate.
And sure enough, a full-on tariff war kicked off, with both sides slapping taxes on each other’s goods. That didn’t help the mood between the two leaders, and things got even worse when, at the same time, Trump stormed out of the G7 summit in Charlevoix, Quebec.
After a press conference where Trudeau stood firm on opposing the tariffs, Trump called him "dishonest" and "weak" on Twitter, which added fuel to the fire.

Another flashpoint between the two leaders came in early 2017 when Trump introduced his travel ban targeting several Muslim-majority countries. Trudeau quickly condemned it, tweeting his support for refugees and sending a strong message about Canada's values.
This was another example of how their political priorities were on opposite ends of the spectrum, especially regarding immigration and inclusivity.
Things didn’t get any easier during the Covid-19 pandemic. Although Trudeau wasn’t directly critical of Trump’s handling of the pandemic, he emphasized Canada’s reliance on science and public health, which was in stark contrast to Trump’s more controversial approach and statements.

Now, in 2024, tensions are back in the spotlight. Trump has been threatening a 25 per cent tariff on all Canadian imports. To try and ease the pressure, Trudeau took the rare step of flying down to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort for a meeting.
Despite both leaders calling the meeting "productive," there was no real progress on the tariff threat. The meeting touched on border security and drug trafficking, but critics, including Canada’s Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre, said Trudeau looked weak in his negotiations, with no big wins to show for the trip.

There’s also the personal dynamics to consider. Trump often refers to Trudeau simply as "Justin," which some people see as disrespectful. The two have had moments of light-hearted exchanges, but they’re clearly divided on key issues.
At one point, Trump even joked that Canada should consider becoming the 51st State if the tariff situation worsened, which led to some uncomfortable laughs from the Canadian delegation.

The relationship is still tense, and the trade and tariff battles far from over. Trudeau has been under scrutiny back home for handling the situation, especially as Trump’s unpredictability makes international relations tricky.
If these tensions keep escalating, there could be serious consequences for Canada’s economy and its standing on the world stage. But for now, both leaders are trying to navigate this tricky relationship.

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SPOKANE, WA – A new Washington law is trying to reduce the amount of organic waste that gets thrown out with the garbage.
Starting in 2027, yard waste will need to be separated from other solid waste before it is taken away from your house.
In 2030, this law will expand to include food waste.
State legislature passed these organics management laws, HB 1799 and HB 2301, in 2022 and 2024.
According to the Washington Department of Ecology, the new law aims to reduce the emissions of methane created when organic materials, like food and yard waste, decompose in a landfill.
The City of Spokane has offered green yard waste bins to residents for several years now. In 2027, people will no longer need to opt in.
“We’ve known we needed to go in this direction for a while, but there’s a lot of things to prep us to do that,” said Kirstin Davis from the City of Spokane. “It hopefully just raises awareness for people to be more mindful of how they are diverting their waste.”
Yard waste collected by the city is taken to the Barr-Tech Composting facility, while the garbage is incinerated at the Waste to Energy facility.
“There’s no good way to get rid of trash and waste. Landfills have their downsides. Incinerators have their downsides as well. At the end of the day, there are going to be chemicals that are released,” Davis said. “We just need to be generating less waste in general.”
Enough people in Spokane take advantage of the green yard waste carts that the city is shifting to a year-round collection schedule starting on Jan. 1, 2025.
Organic waste will be picked up once a month in January, February and December.
This will increase the service cost by 35 cents, but utilizing the city’s composting service could lower the amount you’re paying for solid waste.
“There’s ways to make that pretty much either less expensive or about the same amount because about 30% of our garbage has been food waste,” Davis said. “So, there’s really a substantial difference we can make here.”
COPYRIGHT 2024 BY KXLY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THIS MATERIAL MAY NOT BE PUBLISHED, BROADCAST, REWRITTEN OR REDISTRIBUTED.
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Study reveals significant improvements in the health of older adults in England  News-Medical.Net
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Coin Master free spins and coin links for today (December 19, 2024)  Sportskeeda
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7 of our best science-based tips for mental and cognitive health  The Washington Post
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Opinion
December 19, 2024
4 min read
Trump’s Pick for NIH Director Could Harm Science and People’s Health
With a possible bird flu outbreak looming, Donald Trump’s choice of Jay Bhattacharya, a scientist critical of COVID policies, for the NIH is the wrong move for science and public health
By Steven M. Albert edited by Tanya Lewis
Jay Bhattacharya speaks during a roundtable discussion with members of the House Freedom Caucus on the COVID-19 pandemic at The Heritage Foundation on Thursday, November 10, 2022.
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
President-elect Donald Trump wants Jay Bhattacharya, a physician-scientist and economist at Stanford University, to lead the National Institutes of Health. The NIH is a global powerhouse of science. Its mission is “to seek fundamental knowledge about the nature and behavior of living systems and the application of that knowledge to enhance health, lengthen life, and reduce illness and disability.”
Most politicians, even when criticizing the agency, recognize the good it has done in building effective public health measures. Cancer death rates continue to decline, for example, because of the work NIH investigators have done around prevention, detection and treatment.
Bhattacharya does not see the agency’s successes this way. In his podcast Science from the Fringe, Bhattacharya recently said he is amazed by “the authoritarian tendencies of public health.” He struck a similar theme in a Newsmax interview: “[We need] to turn the NIH from something that’s [used] to control society into something that’s aimed at the discovery of truth to improve the health of Americans.”
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The scientists who apply for NIH funding, sit on peer review panels and administer grants would be surprised to hear they control society. They do science. The claims of authoritarianism are a screen for pushing a particular agenda that is likely to damage the NIH. Bhattacharya’s science agenda is political: to set concerns for personal autonomy against evidence-based public health science. This is not appropriate for NIH leadership.
Bhattacharya has never explained how the NIH controls society, given its role as a research institution, and it is hard to see how it does except perhaps in setting research priorities and awarding funding based on expert review. Is he against public health legislation that has controlled lead emissions in vehicles, enforced vaccine requirements for children attending public schools, and promoted folate fortification in bread and fluoride in drinking water? This legislation has improved population health in terms of cognitive performance, infectious disease burden, neural tube defects in pregnancy, and oral health, respectively. Is this the kind of control he fears?
Public health authorities decide on a health promotion measure for a population based on the science, often for people vulnerable and unaware of health risks, when health benefits are clear. NIH research provides the evidence for these public health measures. It is fair to debate the quality of scientific evidence and benefit to population health relative to restrictions on autonomy and choice, but establishing mechanisms for population health risk and making recommendations based on this evidence are not authoritarianism, and making such a comparison is not the way to do good science or build trust.
Bhattacharya’s views are one more unfortunate legacy of the COVID pandemic, when he argued against supposed public health overreach in the Great Barrington Declaration back in 2020. The declaration claimed that isolating only people at highest risk and allowing continued spread of COVID among more healthy people would build herd immunity without substantial increases in COVID mortality. In response, public health officials and NIH leaders criticized Bhattacharya based on the science: In the setting of asymptomatic viral transmission, high contagiousness and inescapable population mixing, such a strategy of “focused protection” was unlikely to protect vulnerable populations. Bhattacharya called this censorship and unsuccessfully tried to convince the Supreme Court to weigh in against social media venues that dropped his messaging.
This personal pique is a distraction and should not obscure the central focus of U.S. public health policy during the pandemic. Science supported school closures, work-from-home policies, large gathering restrictions in public spaces, and face mask requirements as effective ways to lower hospital surges and buy time for vaccine development. You can challenge the science, as many have; but it is not authoritarian to use science for policy. Likewise, you may value personal autonomy and resist vaccination or face mask mandates, but drawing on scientific evidence to support these measures does not mean scientists “have engaged in censorship, data manipulation, and misinformation,” as Trump has falsely claimed to justify his nominees.
Authoritarianism in science or public health was not responsible for the pandemic’s heavy toll in the U.S. Structural factors such as income inequality and access to health care were the key drivers of COVID mortality. To prepare the country for the next pandemic as NIH director, it would be far more effective to invest in pandemic preparedness and infectious disease research and, beyond that, to ensure everyone has access to health care.
Indeed, the proposed remedies for making science less authoritarian, such as shifting NIH grant funding to states in the form of “block” grants (recommended by the conservative policy agenda Project 2025), will not promote “nonauthoritarian” public health but will almost certainly degrade the quality of American science. Will states be able to match the NIH peer review system, which is regarded worldwide as the exemplar of transparent, confidential, impartial evaluation based on merit and scientific consensus? It is hard to imagine how a decentralized state-level effort would produce a more fair review or science with greater impact. Will scientists in some states be barred from funding for research on family planning or women’s health, for example?
We don’t know what other policies Bhattacharya might propose. Banning viral gain-of-function research? Eliminating research involving fetal tissue and restricting studies using animal models? Shifting funding away from infectious disease research, as RFK, Jr., Trump’s pick to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, has proposed? Giving peer review panels less influence in determining scientific merit?
The best way to “depoliticize science,” if that is your concern, is to get out of the way and let scientific inquiry drive investigation and peer review determine priority for funding. The “authoritarianism” Bhattacharya rails against is often just the application of science to improve population health. Pitting personal autonomy against the application of science to policy is fine for vanity webcasts and think tanks, but inappropriate for NIH leadership. If he would rather focus on promoting personal autonomy in pandemic policy, perhaps he is being nominated to the wrong agency. Bhattacharya is not what the NIH needs.
This is an opinion and analysis article, and the views expressed by the author or authors are not necessarily those of Scientific American.
Steven M. Albert is a professor and the Hallen Chair of Community Health and Social Justice in the faculty in behavioral and community health sciences at the University of Pittsburgh’s School of Public Health
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