Opinion  |  October 14, 2025
As a Black Christian man, I have engaged white evangelicals in numerous discussions about the existence of racism within America and Christianity. These conversations have continued throughout my entire adult life.
I have observed that many white evangelicals only listen to Black Christian perspectives on racism when these perspectives reinforce their existing beliefs. This selective listening was evident in the aftermath of the murder of Charlie Kirk, co-founder of Turning Point USA.
Joel Bowman
Many conservative white evangelicals viewed Kirk as a faithful Christian worthy of praise. In fact, many now consider him a modern-day Christian martyr, reminiscent of early church figures such as Stephen and the Apostle Paul.
Texas Republican Representative Troy Nehls said Kirk would have been Jesus’ “13th disciple” if he had lived during biblical times.
By contrast, many Black Christians familiar with Kirk’s rhetoric and activism considered him an unapologetic racist. For these individuals, accolades from President Donald Trump and designating a National Day of Remembrance in Kirk’s honor signified endorsement of Kirk’s views.
“Many Black Christians familiar with Kirk’s rhetoric and activism considered him an unapologetic racist.”
Like many Black Christians, I shared several of Kirk’s racist, misogynistic and xenophobic quotes with white evangelicals. Most knew about these quotes but insisted they were “taken out of context.”
White evangelicals fiercely defended Kirk’s legacy and dismissed the concerns of Black Christians without consideration.
Kirk’s case substantiates my central argument: With rare exception, white evangelicals do not actively listen to Black Christians concerning racism. They often center themselves in conversations, despite repeated attempts by Black Christians to get them to listen.
This dismissiveness echoes the warning of Proverbs 18:13, “Spouting off before listening to the facts is both shameful and foolish.”
I contend there are four causes of white evangelicals’ inability to actively listen to Black Christians.
White supremacy is not an ideology limited to extremist groups like the Ku Klux Klan or the Proud Boys. The term “white supremacy” refers to a political or socio-economic system where white people enjoy structural advantages and rights that other racial and ethnic groups do not — both at a collective and an individual level, such as systemic racism.
White supremacy is the system that sustains and perpetuates racist attitudes, practices and policies. Within the system of white supremacy, it is assumed the racialized construct of “whiteness” should be centered and privileged.
In her book White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America, Anthea Butler says: “When some evangelicals say they don’t see color, they mean it. They see whiteness — no color but the dominant one.”
Because many white evangelicals have consciously or unconsciously bought into the system of white supremacy, they often approach conversations with Black Christians lacking “cultural humility.”
“Many white evangelicals see their subculture and faith tradition as the norm or standard for ‘true’ Christianity.”
Many white evangelicals see their subculture and faith tradition as the norm or standard for “true” Christianity. They believe themselves to be the “gatekeepers of the faith.” Therefore, they are suspicious of any version of Christianity that departs from their own.
In particular, many within white evangelicalism see the Black church experience as “emotional” and lacking intellectual rigor.
This view is rooted in white supremacy and directly contradicts Paul’s admonition in Philippians 2:3, “Don’t be selfish; don’t try to impress others. Be humble, thinking of others as better than yourselves.”
White supremacy in evangelical spaces does not demonstrate humility, but hubris.
When white evangelicals bring this view into conversations with Black Christians, they display a blatant disregard for their lived experiences.
White supremacy perpetuates cultural isolation among white evangelicals. Many attend churches that have exclusively white or majority white congregations. Even in the case of majority white churches that have a significant number of people of color, white dominance is usually the order of the day in terms of music style, preaching and official church leadership.
My friend Jemar Tisby recently posted on social media: “One reason it can be hard for white people to listen to Black people is this — many have never had a Black authority figure in their lives. No Black pastor. No Black teacher. No Black principal, professor, boss or mentor.”
As a Black pastor, I frequently encounter pushback when I suggest to a white evangelical man that he submit himself to a Black Christian man for mentoring on the issue of racism. One scoffed at my suggestion, declaring, “I submit myself to Jesus Christ alone.”
This man had no problem having a white pastor, Sunday school teacher, or reading a book by a white Christian author. However, he saw no value in allowing a Black man to share with him what it was like to be a daily target of racism.
And yet, in Galatians 6:2, Paul exhorts believers to “Share each other’s burdens, and in this way obey the law of Christ.”
One cannot share burdens they refuse to see.
White fragility” is a term popularized by sociologist and author Robin DiAngelo. White fragility is a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable for a white person, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear and guilt, as well as behaviors like argumentation, silence and leaving the stress-inducing situation.
It has been my experience that white evangelicals have a low tolerance for discussions about America’s long history of racism and white supremacy. When Black Christians bring up slavery, lynching and Jim Crow Laws, white evangelicals often are quick to dismiss these as “problems of the past” rather than a disgraceful history with which they must reckon. These are common manifestations of white fragility.
I recently encountered fragility on the part of a white evangelical man whom I’ve known for 30 years. I texted him documentation of Charlie Kirk’s racist statements. After reviewing what I sent, he forcefully protested: “Charlie was not a racist. I’m hurt and disappointed you don’t see the good in this man.”
In an effort to have the final say, he sent me a podcast he believed proved I had taken Kirk’s statements out of context and that proved Kirk was not a racist. It was clear he wanted to argue and center his feelings, so I disengaged from the conversation.
“Underneath this sentiment is the fact that honest conversations about race makes them uncomfortable.”
Periodically, when I post something about racism on social media, a white evangelical will accuse me of being “divisive.” The implication is that raising such a heated issue only makes things worse and threatens “unity” in the body of Christ. Underneath this sentiment is the fact that honest conversations about race makes them uncomfortable.
Tokenism — the practice of using individual Black voices to validate white perspectives — can be a subtler form of white fragility. When talking to Black Christians about racism, white evangelicals often highlight conservative Black voices that confirm their ideological biases. They believe that including a “token” Black person in a discussion can insulate them from accusations of racism.
Thomas Sowell, Candace Owens and the recently deceased Voddie Baucham Jr. are commonly tokenized to serve the fragility of white evangelicals.
Notably, the vast majority of race scholars do not subscribe to a right-wing or conservative framework. After all, classical conservatism always has focused on “conserving” the established social order which has white people (especially men) at the top.
As I think about the fragility displayed by white evangelicals, Ecclesiastes 7:5 comes to mind, “Better to be criticized by a wise person than to be praised by a fool.”
Sadly, many have settled for the praises of fools.
Political tribalism is the tendency for individuals to align their political identities with specific groups, fostering an “us versus them” mentality.
Within a political tribe, “outsiders” are not merely viewed as those who differ on policy, but mortal enemies who must be conquered by any means necessary. The desires of the tribe’s leader and/or the quest for power trumps any fundamental principles.
Since the rise of the Christian Right in the late 1970s and 1980s, the conflation between white evangelicalism and Republican Party politics has resulted in significant tribalism.
White evangelicals are arguably the GOP’s most loyal voting bloc. In 2024, white evangelicals comprised nearly a third of Trump’s voters.
Those sympathetic to Christian nationalism often express this tribalism in particularly vitriolic ways. They often demonize Democrats by calling them the “Democrat Party,” the “radical left,” “libtard,’ “godless baby killers” and the “Party of Satan.”
White evangelicals have effectively used these terms to dehumanize members of the Democratic Party and to frame them as “the other.” In the minds of many white evangelicals, members of the Democratic Party can neither be “true American patriots” nor “faithful Christians.”
Among religious groups in America, white evangelicals are the most supportive of political violence. A 2023 survey from Public Religion Research Institute and the Brookings Institution found one-third of white evangelical Protestants believe “patriots” might need to use violence to “save the country.” White evangelicals’ desire to save the country by using violence was on full display during the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol January 6.
Black Christians (along with other Black Americans) began shifting their political allegiance from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party during the 1930s with the New Deal. The passing of major Civil Rights legislation in the 1960s solidified this shift.
While many white evangelicals are committed to winning “culture wars,” many Black Christians are focused on supporting policies that promote human flourishing for all people and racial equity. The majority of Black Christians believe voting for Democratic candidates is most congruent with their political priorities.
A December 2024 analysis from PRRI reported 83% of Black Protestant voters cast their ballots for former Vice President Kamala Harris.
Given the disdain many white evangelicals have for Democratic Party politics, one can understand why they have a difficult time listening to Black Christian perspectives on racism.
“White evangelicals misappropriate and weaponize words, deploying them as rhetorical boogeymen, thus circumventing any meaningful conversation.”
When Black Christians raise the issues of systemic racism, social injustice and the wealth gap between Black and white Americans, white evangelicals often place them in the categories of “liberal,” “socialist,” “cultural Marxist,” “critical race theorist” or “woke.”
White evangelicals misappropriate and weaponize words, deploying them as rhetorical boogeymen, thus circumventing any meaningful conversation. It is much easier to dismiss people you have stigmatized.
Jesus warns in Matthew 6:24, “No one can serve two masters. … You cannot serve both God and money.”
Likewise, one cannot serve both God and a political idol. Yet for many white evangelicals, allegiance to the GOP has become a surrogate for spiritual faithfulness. When this happens, Jesus is not truly their master, but they have tried to make him their mascot.
Hyper-individualism in white evangelicalism is a theological and cultural framework that prioritizes personal salvation, private morality and individual piety over communal responsibility, systemic justice and societal transformation.
This mindset has deep roots in American evangelical history, particularly in the revivalist traditions of the 18th and 19th centuries, which emphasized an individual’s decision to “accept Christ as personal Savior” as the primary religious experience. Over time, this evolved into a spiritual worldview in which sin was defined almost exclusively as personal failings — lying, sexual immorality, profanity — while structural sins like slavery, segregation or economic injustice were minimized or ignored.
Consequently, many white evangelicals see Christianity as a purely personal relationship with Jesus, detached from social conditions or systemic evils. This is why, when Black Christians speak about racism, mass incarceration, police brutality or housing inequality, their concerns are dismissed as “too political” or “not the gospel.” The underlying belief is that the gospel is only about saving individual souls, not transforming unjust systems.
“The underlying belief is that the gospel is only about saving individual souls, not transforming unjust systems.”
Hypocritically, many of the same white evangelicals who have accused Black Christians of being too political advocated for decades so Roe v. Wade would be overturned. When white evangelicals tell Black Christians they are being too political, that usually means, “I don’t like your politics.”
I once witnessed a church service where the pastor, addressing protests over police brutality, said from the pulpit: “What this country needs isn’t more protests or new laws. What we need is a revival. If everyone just gets saved, racism will disappear.”
This kind of thinking may sound spiritual, but it amounts to theological escapism. It bypasses the real pain and systemic realities Black people and other people of color face daily.
In this framework, racism is viewed only through the lens of interpersonal prejudice. As long as a white Christian has a Black “friend,” attends a diverse church or refrains from using racial slurs, they believe racism has been resolved. They fail to see how racism is embedded in institutions, laws and cultural norms — and how benefiting from those systems requires no personal malice at all.
Black Christian traditions, in contrast, have historically emphasized communal liberation, prophetic resistance and social justice. The Black church always has understood that salvation is not merely freedom from sin but freedom from oppression. It is not just about going to heaven but about doing justice here on earth.
In Jesus’ model prayer in Matthew 6:10, he taught his disciples to pray, “May your kingdom come soon. May your will be done on earth, as it is in heaven.”
In Luke 4:18-19, Jesus read from the prophet Isaiah: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, for he has anointed me to bring Good News to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim that captives will be released, that the blind will see, that the oppressed will be set free and that the time of the Lord’s favor has come.”
Jesus not only made preparations for us to be with him in heaven, he is concerned with the oppressed here on earth.
Hyper-individualism also fosters a consumeristic approach to church life. Many white evangelicals approach faith communities as customers: “What can I get out of this church?” rather than, “How can I be part of a community of justice, equity and shared sacrifice?”
“This excessive focus on the individual prevents meaningful engagement with systemic racism.”
Ultimately, this excessive focus on the individual prevents meaningful engagement with systemic racism. It allows white evangelicals to congratulate themselves on their lack of personal prejudice while ignoring the structures that still oppress Black Americans. It also creates resistance to theological frameworks — such as liberation theology or the Black prophetic tradition — that call for justice as an essential expression of faith.
Until white evangelicals can move beyond hyper-individualism, they will continue to miss the corporate dimensions of sin and the communal demands of the gospel.
Scripture challenges this individualistic mindset. In Acts 2:44-45, the early church is described as one where “all the believers met together in one place and shared everything they had. They sold their property and possessions and shared the money with those in need.”
The gospel never was intended to be privatized or commodified.
Furthermore, Micah 6:8 calls God’s people not merely to personal piety but to public justice: “He has shown you, O mortal, what is good. And what does the Lord require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.”
White evangelicalism as a system is beyond reform due to its entrenchment in white supremacy and Christian nationalism. The movement that calls itself “evangelical” has long ceased to be shaped by the pure gospel of Jesus Christ. Instead, it has become an institution baptized in whiteness, driven by political power and wed to the gods of racial hierarchy and patriarchy.
It is not merely complicit in white supremacy; it is constructed by it.
White evangelicalism long has confused cultural dominance with faithfulness and right-wing media intake with discipleship. The sickness of white evangelicalism is not at the margins of the movement — it is in the marrow.
For centuries, white evangelicalism has proved its ability to adapt and survive, not by true repentance, but by rebranding: trading slaveholder religion for segregationist religion, segregationist religion for colorblind religion, and now colorblind religion for a so-called “biblical worldview” that still centers whiteness, still silences Black voices and still sacrifices justice on the altar of comfort.
Frederick Douglass saw this clearly in 1845 when he wrote: “Between the Christianity of this land and the Christianity of Christ, I recognize the widest possible difference.”
That difference has only widened since Douglass penned those words.
“Reform is not possible for something that refuses to recognize its need for repentance.”
Like the fig tree Jesus cursed in Mark 11:14 — “May no one ever eat your fruit again!” — white evangelicalism bears the leaves of religion but produces no fruit of justice. Its roots are withered. Reform is not possible for something that refuses to recognize its need for repentance.
Like old wineskins hardened by time, white evangelicalism cannot hold the new wine of gospel renewal.
And yet, there is hope — not for the institution, but for individuals within it.
For white evangelicals who are willing to lose their lives in order to find them, there is a path forward: The path of death to whiteness as an idol and rebirth into the multiethnic, cruciform body of Christ. But this requires more than listening to Black Christians; it requires following them.
White evangelicals must stop asking Black Christians to explain their pain and start reckoning with the systems that caused it.
The gospel invites transformation, but not on our terms.
As Romans 12:2 commands: “Don’t copy the behavior and customs of this world but let God transform you into a new person by changing the way you think.”
White evangelicalism, as it stands, has copied the world too well — its love of empire, its lust for dominance, its lazy reading of Scripture.
It is time to tell the truth: White evangelicalism is not the church. But there is a church — global, diverse, Spirit-led and rooted in the radical love and justice of Jesus Christ. That church is rising like the phoenix rising from the ashes.
It always has existed, in the brush arbors of enslaved people, in the freedom songs of the Civil Rights movement, in the still-speaking voices of the Black prophetic tradition. Christians who, despite all the oppression they’ve experienced, have persevered.
White evangelicals who truly follow the way of Jesus will have to walk away from the empire they’ve mistaken for the kingdom of God. But in the kingdom they will find community with their siblings of color.
So perhaps the better question is not, “Can white evangelicalism be reformed?” but rather: “Which white evangelicals are willing to be reformed?”
For those who are willing, there is still room at the table. But as many already have realized, the table has been moved.
 
Joel A. Bowman Sr. serves as founding pastor of the Temple of Faith Baptist Church in Louisville, Ky. He also maintains a full-time practice as a licensed clinical social worker. Follow him at acompellingvoice.com. and joelabowmansr.substack.com.
 
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