Public debate on migration is polarized between two schools of thought, both of which risk being disconnected from reality. The first advocates a strict zero-tolerance approach to migratory flows, overlooking the structural crisis facing the family as an institution and the realities of contemporary social norms. In a society dominated by individualism, fertility rates are unlikely to rise significantly, no matter how generous the financial incentives offered to young couples.
The second school emphasizes facilitating legal migration within a neoliberal framework that prioritizes economic needs over political considerations. In this view, multiculturalism is treated as inevitable, while any dissent is dismissed as irrational.
The truth, however, lies somewhere in between. Greeks are a historic people who have preserved their cultural identity for millennia through countless struggles and sacrifices. Yet all demographic projections indicate that the country is heading toward a collapse that is far more dangerous than is commonly realized – such as the sustainability of the social security system.
Greece must therefore formulate a migration policy that avoids the mistakes made by major Western European nations. Unmanaged mass migration can lead to the formation of parallel societies, particularly where there is little cultural affinity with the host population. Every national identity rests on unifying elements – such as language, religion and traditions – that evolve over time but cannot vanish entirely.
As the heir to the Byzantine (East Roman) tradition, Greece has a privileged relationship with the Christian communities of the Middle East. Today, approximately 1 million Arabic-speaking Orthodox Christians live in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. These communities self-identify as “Romioi” (as Byzantine Greeks once called themselves), representing the last living fragment of the Byzantine ecumene in the region. During the Ottoman period, Greeks and Romioi of the East were integral parts of the broader genos.
They were not a national community in the modern sense, but a religious-cultural group with a shared identity. As the late philosopher Christos Yannaras observed, the modern notion of the nation is a Western import that transformed the Greek worldview.
The Christian community in Syria is currently in dire straits, with attacks by militias and jihadists rising dramatically. In Gaza and the West Bank, co-religionist Palestinians face religious fanaticism from extremist groups. In neighboring Lebanon, political and economic instability drives many Christians to seek better opportunities abroad. If Athens acts in a timely manner, adopting a migration policy informed by the cultural identity of the genos, it could prioritize these populations.
Migrants who share the same religion are more likely to integrate smoothly into Greek society – a fact confirmed by the successful integration of many migrants from Balkan countries and the former Soviet Union. A carefully planned initiative is required, including a specialized integration program for Middle Eastern Christians, tailored to both young individuals and families.
Naturally, some in Greece may oppose such a policy on ideological or moral grounds. Yet this would not be unprecedented. Several Western countries already incorporate cultural criteria into their migration policies. Since the early 1990s, Quebec in Canada has admitted only French-speaking immigrants. Following the 2015 migration crisis, Hungary accepted only migrants who shared the majority religion of its population. Most other Eastern European countries apply similar unofficial criteria. More recently, the United Kingdom has encouraged migration from Hong Kong residents due to their British education.
Migration is not an inherent human right; it is a privilege governed by state policy. Greece has the opportunity to become a new homeland for the persecuted Christians of the East.
Manos Karagiannis is professor of international relations in the Department of Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies at the University of Macedonia, and reader in international security at the Department of Defense Studies at King’s College London.
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